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FOCUS: Israel-Palestine War

Why Jordan Is In A Bind With Hamas

Iran has some influence over Hamas, but not like Hezbollah in Lebanon or other Iranian-backed groups in the region. Hamas, instead, has more links with Jordan, the birthplace of some of its top leaders.

Pro-Palestine protesters wave flags and banners in downtown Amman, Jordan.

Pro-Palestine protesters wave flags and banners in downtown Amman, Jordan.

Natascha Tahabsem/ZUMA
Daraj

Less than a week ago, authorities in Jordan renewed the identification card of former Hamas political head Khaled Mashaal, who is a Jordanian citizen.

Three days later, on Monday, Mousa Abu Marzouk, a senior Hamas official who is also a Jordanian citizen, told Iran’s al-Alam TV that Hamas leaders would go to Jordan if they were expelled from their exile in Qatar. He said Hamas is part of the Jordanian people and the Kingdom is its natural place.

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The two incidents sum up the complex and long-standing relationship between Jordan and Hamas — a relationship that has been further complicated by the Oct. 7 Hamas attack.


​Provocative comments

Jordan viewed Abu Marzouk’s comments as provocative. Tehran likely pressured Hamas to make these statements on its airwaves after Jordanian air defense intercepted Iranian drones over Jordan’s airspace on their way to Israel. Angered by Amman's move, Tehran indicated that it would not stay silent.

Those close to Hamas pointed out that Abu Marzouk’s comments were “not coordinated” with the group’s leadership, and that he spoke as a Jordanian citizen, and his country is his last refuge. That message was conveyed by “mediators" but Amman was further angered by the idea that Hamas members with Jordanian citizenship view the country as a hotel that they can return to whenever they want

Jordan's condition for Hamas leaders returning to the country is that they relinquish their positions — as Hamas officials have done in the past.

The Doha-based political bureau chief of the Palestinian Islamist movement Hamas ISMAIL HANIYEH meets the Iranian Foreign Minister (unseen) in Tehran.

Hamas leader Imail Haniyeh in Tehran on March 26

Iranian Foreign Ministry/ZUMA

​Identity dilemma

The Jordanian identity dilemma appears to haunt and poses real challenges to the Kingdom. More than half of the leaders of Hamas — an non-Jordanian organization — are Jordanian citizens. As part of the Iranian system of influence in the region, Hamas has become a source of tension between Iran and Jordan. Those tensions had already reached alarming levels before Oct. 7, when the Jordanian army revealed attempts to smuggle weapons from Syria to the West Bank through Jordan.

At the time, Amman considered these attempts a violation of implicit understandings with Hamas under which Jordan was neutral concerning military activities in the West Bank. Jordan blamed Saleh al-Arouri, Hamas’ top official in Lebanon and the contact point with Iran, who was assassinated by Israel in Beirut earlier this year.

Hamas has not valued Jordan's position that Hamas "cannot be eliminated."

Mashaal may be the most keen on calm tensions between Hamas and Amman. But observers close to Jordan’s monarchy say that Iran's position is pressuring Mashaal. And he did not respond to Amman's “positive messages” to Hamas concerning Israel's war in Gaza. Hamas has not valued Jordan's position that Hamas "cannot be eliminated" — a position reiterated by Foreign Minister Ahman al-Safadi.

Monarchy observers also note that the Kingdom was the first to initiate relief steps in the Gaza Strip, but Hamas responded to this effort with calls on Jordanians to protest. That led in some cases to clashes between protesters and security forces. They believe that Tehran was behind all of that.

​Fears of transfer

Aside from concerns over Iranian pressure on Hamas, Jordan’s official position on the Israel-Hamas war stems from its fear of Israel's attempts to transfer Palestinians from the West Bank to Jordan. Hamas did not pick up Al-Safadi’s strong and unprecedented statements against the Israeli government to establish a different position toward Jordan.

Hamas’ view of Jordan as one of its arenas escalated tensions between the two sides.

It is true that Iran has influenced Hamas, but not like Hezbollah in Lebanon or other Iranian-backed groups in the region. Hamas has more interests in Jordan, which tilt the balance in favor of Amman over Tehran.

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Geopolitics

Haiti: When Gangs Are More Dangerous Than War

An international police operation of African and Caribbean officers is set to begin in Haiti to help local police overwhelmed by armed gangs. It's a mission with a historic backstory, but this force may be inadequate to deal with the scale of the problem.

Haitians in the street of Port au Prince.

Haitians in the street of Port au Prince beside burning tires react after the resignation of Prime Minister Henry.

David Lorens Mentor/Maxppp/ZUMA
Pierre Haski

-Analysis-

PARIS — It is one of the most dangerous missions in the history of peacekeeping forces. It’s not going to a country at war — not a conventional war in any case — but to Haiti, a territory that is partly in the hands of armed criminal gangs.

Any day now, 1,000 Kenyan police officers, followed by 2,000 Beninese and smaller contingents from Caribbean islands are expected in Port-au-Prince, under the aegis of the UN, to help the overwhelmed local police.

Even arriving in the Haitian capital isn’t easy: The international airport has been closed to commercial flights since February, gangs are blocking access to the port, and traffic access to Port-au-Prince is blocked by armed men.

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Nevertheless, everything seems ready for this mission, which has been in preparation for months and which seems modest compared to the scale of the disaster. But the U.S. and Canada have declined the invitation to send troops, and are content to finance the operation: $300 million sent by the U.S. alone. Kenyan President William Ruto is expected in Washington tomorrow, in parallel with the deployment of his men.

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